Tuesday, June 03, 2008

"Nationalized" at last

TRANSREDES SA

Comunica que en fecha 2 de junio de 2008, la totalidad del paquete accionario de TR Holding Ltda. fue registrada a nombre del Estado Boliviano bajo la Titularidad de Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales Bolivianos - YPFB. En este sentido informa su nueva composición accionaria:



PS: I've been experiencing some delays with blogger, new posts seem to take forever to upload. Anyone else having this problem? (It's not a cache, reload or related issue).

Monday, June 02, 2008

News Brief on San Cristobal / SIL

Today's release on Apex Silver's (AMEX: SIL) deferred payment agreement with Sumitomo (TYO: 8053) moved the stock a few points, enough to merit a column at ALPHA, here's an excerpt:

"... Apex has as its flagship asset the San Cristobal silver-zinc-lead project... A super asset no doubt about it, but it is in Bolivia.

As we see it, the shadow of geopolitical uncertainty hangs over this project despite the positive efforts by the Apex management team to re-assure investors that all will be well. Should they not be nationalized then we would anticipate a hefty tax burden, which would impact the bottom line and returns to shareholders. However it would then be a known and quantifiable element of the investment process. The situation as it stands today is one of uncertainty and that is something that really gives investors the jitters.

When we put our hard earned cash into a silver producer we are looking for exposure to silver prices hopefully with a degree of leverage in terms of performance. Earlier this year silver took off like a bullet to top the twenty-dollar level with the quality silver stocks following in hot pursuit. Apex didn’t just respond to the rally in silver prices but the other companies did move higher with silver, whereas Apex is heading south. This is gut wrenching stuff for the stockholders..." MORE

On a political-risk basis only, this is a good play for the shorts.

D.: none

Monday, May 26, 2008

Papel Sellado

Interesante artículo en La Prensa:

En 1765, el rey de Gran Bretaña, Jorge III, aprobó la Stamp Act (Ley del Timbre, en español), que obligaba a usar papel sellado en todo documento público a los colonos de la América inglesa; con ello el monarca intentaba recuperar un poco de los gastos que había tenido que realizar en la guerra contra los franceses, finalizada sólo dos años atrás. La reacción las colonias fue una fuerte y determinada oposición: se convocó a un Congreso de sus representantes, el que solicitó al Rey que retirara esta obligación por considerarla una franca violación a sus derechos, y para reforzar su pedido suspendió la importación de artículos británicos, lo que dio como resultado que Jorge III derogara la Stamp Act al año siguiente. Este conflicto fue el primero de una serie que terminaría 10 años después con el estallido de la Guerra de la Independencia de 1775, y la posterior creación de los Estados Unidos de América.

En la América española sucedió algo muy diferente. Esta clase de tributos que se exigieron por parte de la metrópoli fueron cumplidos plenamente e incluso llegaron a consustanciarse en la cultura tributaria y jurídica de tal manera que siguieron aplicándose hasta mucho después de lograda la independencia en las colonias de este continente....

Leer el resto. PNG image. [ES]

Friday, May 23, 2008

El estado de los Acuerdos Comerciales en los que participa Bolivia

Perspectivas de Integración Latinoamericana
El estado de los Acuerdos Comerciales en los que participa Bolivia

En las semanas previas a la inclusión de Bolivia en el Tratado de Comercio de los Pueblos (TCP) se habló mucho de las posibles ventajas o desventajas que este reportaría para el país. La línea de propaganda oficial enfatizó que este no era un tratado como los que se habían firmado antes, que en el TCP primarían principios de solidaridad y reciprocidad por sobre el interés económico puro[1]. Poco se hablo de los otros acuerdos comerciales que Bolivia mantiene con varios países, aunque el juicio implícito era que estos eran negativos o hasta perjudiciales para Bolivia.

La realidad de estas medidas de integración difiere de la versión oficialista, y es por ello que el “tratamiento del silencio” ha sido aplicado al abordar este tema – en especial en lo que refiere a los acuerdos suscritos con otros países latinoamericanos. Los acuerdos descritos a continuación son únicamente instrumentos para lograr el bienestar común por medio del comercio, no son competidores del ALBA-TCP y no representan una amenaza para la soberanía boliviana, aunque la tesis antiglobalizadora así quiera creerlo.

Antes de la implementación del TCP el acuerdo comercial de mayor alcance firmado por Bolivia era el Pacto Andino, mantenido por nuestra participación en la Comunidad Andina de Naciones. Este pacto contempla la creación paulatina de una zona de libre comercio (ZLC) entre los países miembros, lo cual se traduce en “arancel cero” para productos de los países miembros y un arancel armonizado para los países fuera de la comunidad. Bolivia no participa en esta última medida, tampoco ha aceptado participar en el sistema andino de franjas de precios para productos agroindustriales.

En otra categoría de acuerdos comerciales se encuentran los acuerdos de complementación económica (ACE) de carácter bilateral. Entre estos destaca el suscrito entre Bolivia y el MERCOSUR (ACE36) en 1996. Este acuerdo, negociado siguiendo los parámetros del tratado con la CAN se vio afectado por la limitada participación de Bolivia como miembro observador en el grupo. Este tratado resurge en 2007 y 2008 ya que Venezuela manifestó su intención de incorporarse al grupo, es de notar que cuando se firmo este tratado, se esperaba que para el 2006, ya se hubiera formado una zona de libre comercio entre los países miembros; algo que no ha ocurrido.

Otros acuerdos bilaterales firmados por Bolivia incluyen el ACE22 suscrito con Chile en abril de 1993. Dada la relación histórica de Bolivia con Chile este acuerdo fue observado con mucho recelo y sus alcances fueron limitados a la creación de condiciones para futuras negociaciones. Uno de los puntos que Bolivia pudo aprovechar de mejor manera fue la neutralización de los aranceles a productos bolivianos exportados a Chile por el lapso de cinco años. Mientras tanto la avalancha de productos chilenos al mercando boliviano que era esperada en ese entonces parece no haberse manifestado aún.

Un año después se firmó el ACE31 entre Bolivia y México, destaca en este acuerdo la intención de crear una ZLC entre los dos países hasta el 2009, así como incentivar la inversión mutua, estimular la diversificación del comercio entre ambos países y la circulación de bienes y servicios. Habría que acotar que a la firma de este acuerdo se contemplaba la posible exportación de hidrocarburos bolivianos a México, con destino final a EE.UU. iniciativa que naturalmente ya no se encuentra sobre la mesa.

El año 2000 se suscribió otro acuerdo bilateral, esta vez el ACE47 con Cuba, poco ha cambiado en la relación comercial boliviano-cubana desde ese entonces (continua siendo mínima); aunque la relación política ha dado un salto cualitativo. Recién en 2004 se suscribió un acuerdo similar con el Perú (Tratado General de Integración…) ratificado a penas en Octubre del 2006, este acuerdo es una réplica de los lineamientos generales de la CAN en lo comercial, pero incorpora otros aspectos propios de la relación Perú-Boliviana.

Por último, fuera del marco de un acuerdo bilateral formal queda el ATPDEA, dirigido a beneficiar a algunos países del área andina con el incremento de flujo comercial entre estos y EE.UU. Esta ley de preferencias arancelarias es la segunda medida de comercio internacional mejor aprovechada por Bolivia, teniendo todavía mucho potencial.

Fuera de los acuerdos ya cubiertos se encuentra el Sistema de Preferencias Generalizado (SGP), adoptado por varios países desarrollados para incentivar el comercio con naciones consideradas en vías de desarrollo, entre ellos Bolivia. Los países que han incorporado el esquema SGP incluyen a EE.UU, Canadá, Japón y la Unión Europea. Cada uno de estos países ha incorporado algunas particularidades a su sistema, pero en todos es común el trato preferencial (unilateral) para grandes cantidades de productos. Últimamente los SGP están incorporando criterios de control de calidad, normas laborales, y seguridad alimenticia a los productos que aceptan.

En líneas generales se ha visto que los acuerdos comerciales suscritos por Bolivia siguen lineamientos de complementación y no de imposición de condiciones por una u otra parte. Si estos acuerdos no han podido ser aprovechados a cabalidad por nuestro país esto no se debe a alguna falencia en estos documentos sino a obstáculos naturales[2] que deben ser superados con la participación estatal pero sobre todo por la iniciativa privada.

Fuentes:
CEPROBOL. Boletín Cifras No.03, 2008 Mayo de 2008.

IBCE. "Acuerdos de Complementacion",
Molina, Silvia C. "El Rol de Bolivia en la Integración Sudamericana",
____. "Cinco obstáculos frenan que Bolivia..."
____. "Bolivia mantiene 7 acuerdos comerciales y 6 son deficitarios",

[1] Las declaraciones, acuerdos y protocolos que e conjunto “regulan” el funcionamiento del ALBA-TCP pueden ser encontrados en: < name="Content&pa="showpage&pid="230"> Mayo, 2008.

[2] Entre estos obstáculos podemos citar a la falta de una base productiva desarrollada, políticas de incentivo a las exportaciones, distancias con otros mercados, barreras comerciales no-arancelarias y la ausencia de una mayor promoción e identificación de nichos del mercado en el exterior. La Prensa, “Cinco obstáculos…”.

Monday, May 05, 2008

Update on Transredes

LA BBV comunica que en fecha 02 de mayo de 2008, Valores Unión S.A. solicitó el registro de la transferencia de 1971,137 acciones de LAIF XIV Ltda. a favor de Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales Bolivianos (YPFB).

En este sentido informa su nueva composición accionaria:


Friday, May 02, 2008

On ENTEL’s “Nationalization”

Don’t buy it. The government is just playing with language again.

What we have here is a supreme decree (DS#29544) authorizing the intervention of the company while an ownership position is being negotiated. Same goes for the three energy companies –Chaco, Andina and Transredes- the government claims it has “nationalized” too. When all they have done is to barely grasp 49%, 48% and 37% ownership respectively, paying top dollar for every share.

Not that I’m complaining that our dear leader is acting like a hypocritical capitalist.

It just bugs me to see “the masses” played-with on a daily basis, to hear ever more grandiloquent statements scaring off the money and to feel the general tedium of a market with no rules.

Alas, if Goni got statesmanship points by selling privatization with nice words (i.e. capitalización) Evo deserves some sort of recognition for selling whatever it is he’s selling with his nacionalizaciones.

Wednesday, April 30, 2008

Changes in Transredes ownership, the saga continues

Two market operations were registered today relating to the national energy transport company Transredes, CPI [Group] Limited registered a number of shares bought from Fondelec Pie de Monte. AEI Transportadora Holdings Spain S.L. (Ashmore Energy) registered 5,804 shares bought from minority stockholders.

The BBV communications office released the following information on Transredes shareholder composition:

Looks like the fight for control of the company will become ever more expensive for YPFB.

The skinny on Transredes financials, relevant events, etc can be found here. [SP]

Monday, April 28, 2008

La UMSS y los que le hacen daño

"... Una universidad se considera "reconocida" cuando sus egresados pueden salir al mundo laboral y desempeñarse de la mejor forma, cuando han aprendido todo lo necesario para retribuir a la sociedad lo que el estado (y los impuestos de todos) han invertido en uno, pero éso era el siglo pasado, en éste nuevo milenio, se crean universidades públicas nuevas por presión y no por necesidad, los estudiantes ingresan a diestra y siniestra a carreras que tienen el mercado laboral abarrotado.

Pero lo que no cambia son los universitarios "eternos", que por ser extremadamente estúpidos o por afanes políticos permanecen décadas "estudiando", mientras el estado "gasta" inútilmente los recursos en ése(a) jóven sin obtener resultados, un ejemplo es ése dirigente de la FUL, Jarlin Coca, (que según rumores ya es profesional) que se inscribe en una y otra carrera para abandonarla a los pocos días de iniciado el semestre.

Ser estudiante es requisito para estar en la FUL que por cierto maneja muchos miles de bolivianos al año, mucho más ahora con el IDH, ¿por que creen ustedes que pelean tanto para ingresar desde el centro de estudiantes más miserable hasta a la FUL? por la plata pues! y ésos asquerosos hablan luego de corrupción!

El colmo de los colmos llega cuando un grupo de inadaptados bachilleres quieren obtener becas del Plan de Admisión Extraordinaria (PAE), rechazando el proceso de selección que es absolutamente necesario para mantener el nivel de la educación en la U..."

Hat tip para: Dies, Nox et Omina. [SP]

El costo de la democracia

En Los Tiempos de hoy [SP] sale con una interesante nota respecto a los costos que tendrán que asumir las prefecturas y el gobierno central para llevar a cabo los referendos o consultas sobre autonomía y revocaciones este año. El presidente de la CNE también indica que un proceso departamental llega a costar entre 3 y 10 millones de bolivianos frente a 50 millones por uno nacional.

Si bien estos son algunos de los costos asumidos por los contribuyentes a través del gobierno, para tener una imagen total de lo que cuesta un referendo en Bolivia, deben sumarse los gastos incurridos por las diversas entidades y grupos de acción política interesadas en uno u otro resultado.

Saturday, April 26, 2008

Bolivian business briefs #1

And now a list of the business news making the rounds on the Bolivian dailies:

The government’s takeover bid on Transredes.- The GOB has finalized an offer or $40 per share held by minority shareholders of the natural gas and oil transport company. YPFB already holds a position on Transredes and is attempting to reach a majority stake in the company; Ashmore Energy International has made a counter-bid of $50 per share. Other international holding companies are involved, and developments are expected in the following days. [SP].

COMTECO’s successful bid on Elfec.- The Cochabamba-based telecom cooperative has successfully acquired a 52 percent stake on the regional electricity provider Elfec. The deal closed for $US 17 million in cash, tax and debt payments assumed by COMTECO. Previous bids were made on the national telecom company ENTEL, and a local cellular phone service provider VIVA. Previously COMTECO also attempted to launch its own cellular phone service but was met with opposition from regulatory authorities. The daily Opinión has an excellent interview with Fernando Gamboa, an executive of the acquiring company. [SP]

CBN under close watch on unfair competition charges.- The national brewery company has faced unfair competition charges (on purported “forced” exclusivity contracts) as of late, and the case is under scrutiny by regulatory agencies. [SP]

Lloyd Aéreo Boliviano receives additional aircraft.- The national carrier LAB is in the process of incorporating one Boeing 727-200 aircraft in a bid to restart its services in the following weeks. The leasing company is unknown at this time although it’s known that the aircraft belonged to the recently closed Champion Air US carrier. With the addition of this plane (which arrived to CBA on 04/23/08) LAB has two aircraft readily available for charter operations. [SP]

FEICOBOL opens its doors again.- The XXV version of Cochabamba’s international business fair -Feicobol- will open its doors between the 24th of April and the 4th of May, close to 750 companies will be present. [SP]

Thursday, April 24, 2008

Comenzamos de Cero

Tempting
Ha pasado más de un año y medio desde que escribí o siquiera revisé estas páginas, y estuve muy tentado incluso a obliterar los contenidos de archivo y olvidarme que alguna vez abrí una cuenta en Blogger. Entonces, ¿por qué volver? Talvez por la misma razón que inicie esta experiencia, estoy en un momento en mi vida en el que quiero compartir mis ideas.

¿Me imagino “bloggeando” en cinco o diez años? No lo sé.

It has been over a year and a half since I last wrote some lines or even checked these pages; I have even considered obliterating the archived contents and forgetting that I ever opened a Blogger account. Then why come back? Perhaps for the same reason why I started this experience, I’m at a time in life where I want to share my ideas.

Do I imagine myself “blogging” in five or ten years? Who knows.

Thursday, September 21, 2006

Tuesday, July 18, 2006

Petroleos de Venezuela SA Inks Eight Joint Venture Agreements

(Courtesy of TCR-LA News clips) The Venezuelan Petroleum Corp., a subsidiary of state-run oil firm Petróleos de Venezuela PDVSA, signed eight joint venture agreements for exploitation of hydrocarbons in Venezuela, which are to replace the so-called operational agreements, El Universal reports. Eulogio del Pino, a director at Petroleos de Venezuela, told the official news agency ABN that the remaining 13 joint ventures would be formally organized within the next two weeks.Among the companies that signed joint venture agreements in April are:
  • Spain's Repsol YPF
  • UK's BP
  • Japanese firm Teikoku
  • Local unit of Canada's PetroFalcon Vinccler Oil & Gas, Suelopetrol
  • Inemaka
  • Open
  • Petroleo Brasileiro SA
  • China's CNPC
  • Chevron Corp.
  • Anglo-Dutch major Shell
  • Argentina's CGC
  • Tecpetrol
  • France's Perenco
  • Harvest Oil and Gas LLC.
  • France's Hocol
Under the joint ventures, Petroleos de Venezuela gets at least a 60% stake.Mr. del Pino told Reuters that over the next three years Venezuela expects to double the Orinoco extra-heavy crude oil production with the organization of the new joint ventures. Under this scheme, Venezuela is to operate four projects, namely Cerro Negro, Hamaca, Petrozuata and Sincor in cooperation with corporations including Norwegian Statoil, French Total and US firms ExxonMobil, ConocoPhillips and Chevron."We are likely to double output in three years to 1.1 billion bpd in the same areas we have today," del Pino was quoted by El Universal as saying. Furthermore, Mr. del Pino told ABN that they consider acquiring a stake in an Indonesia-based refinery, which is expected to be the largest in Southeast Asia.Petroleos de Venezuela SA aka PDVSA is Venezuela's state oil company in charge of the development of the petroleum, petrochemical and coal industry, as well as planning, coordinating, supervising and controlling the operational activities of its divisions, both in Venezuela and abroad.

--------------------
On Jan. 23, 2006, Fitch Ratings upgraded the local and foreign currency ratings of Petroleos de Venezuela S.A. aka PDVSA to 'BB-' from 'B+'. The rating of PDVSA's export receivable future flow securitization, PDVSA Finance Ltd, was also upgraded to 'BB+' from 'BB'. In addition, Fitch has assigned PDVSA a 'AAA (ven)' national scale rating. The Rating Outlook is Stable. Both rating actions follow Fitch's November 2005 upgrade of Venezuela's sovereign rating.

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Monday, July 10, 2006

An Interview with Evo Morales

Evo Morales:

"I feel I’m more of a syndicalist leader than a President”[1]

(Página/12, my translation follows.-) The Bolivian Air Force’s helicopter takes flight and in a few minutes one can see the infinite and arid extensions of the Altiplano. The trip is to the Pampa Aullagas community, the “lost Atlantis” –according to the British cartographer Jim Allen- and center of a regional llama and quinoa trade fair.

The duration of the trip was the time president Evo Morales gave to Página/12 to talk about his first five months in government and his next visit to Buenos Aires, were he’ll meet Néstor Kirchner in the town of Hurlingham and sign an accord to raise the price of natural gas exported to Argentina.

A short time before arrival, Evo Morales looks at a dot in the landscape and remembers “in that little town I made 100 dollars playing for the Imperial band” he’s visibly touched; minutes later the helicopter flies over his old adobe house in Orinoca. “Every time I come back my family and friends make me cry”, he confesses. In the middle of those remembrances, Morales surveys the topics of the day and his government, and calls Kirchner ‘a South American patriot”.

- What accord are you signing Thursday 29 with Néstor Krichner?

- Fundamentally, volumes and price of natural gas exports. But also other aspects like investment and credits to industrialize natural gas in our territory and other productive projects. We are also working between at a diplomatic level in topics related to enhancing the [quality of life] conditions of Bolivian residents in Argentina.

- Do you believe Kirchner is part of the “new nationalism” current running through Latin America?

- Yes, of course, he’s part of the Latin American patriotic [current] since the moment he started to dignify Argentina by opposing the intrusion of the United States.

- The Bolivian opposition says that you have only changed dependence to the United States for dependence to Venezuela…

- There’s no dependence to Venezuela and Cuba, these to sister nations have expressed great and unconditional solidarity in favor of Latin American integration. And we recognize that help, for instance Cuba has helped us in the alphabetization issue just as countries like Holland, Denmark, Sweden or Canada. Italy or Spain helps us with road and irrigation projects, Argentina helped with medicine and food during natural disasters. I want to express my solidarity to the Argentinean airmen who have died in Bolivia for solidarity. Why does Podemos fear Hugo Chávez? Since Chávez has confronted the United States, the instruments of Bush’s empire, like Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga, also confront Chávez. There’s no intromission, there is solidarity and cooperation, thanks to Venezuelan investment there’s going to be industrialization of our gas.

- Did the Chávez visits and his speeches in Bolivia damage the relationship with the United States’ embassy?

- The embassy and the US government have a defined line: attack, provoke and conspire against our governments. There’s an example, Leonilda Zurita, when she was a coca-grower leader she had a visa to the US and now that she’s a senator she doesn’t; the same with the water vice minister René Orellana. When the [US] diplomatic corps came to visit me only the ambassador was absent, and that night we invited congressmen, senators and ministers for a dinner. Those are provocations. Second, the North American military presence in Bolivia, camouflaged as qechua students, when according to trustworthy sources, they are doing intelligence. It’s not that the arrival of Chávez affects or doesn’t affect [relations], the United States’ position is defined: to conspire against our government.

- Colombia and Peru already signed a Free Trade Agreement with the United States, and Venezuela [Chávez] said “the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) is dead”, why insist in resuscitating a block in which you are now pro tempore president?

- If the CAN returned to its foundational principles, which are to strengthen the national and regional economies, it would be very different. CAN was weakened by the Free Trade Agreements, which destroy the small producer and the farming communities. We have the obligation to return to those principles and strengthen the block, but not to benefit the transnational economy, but the popular and communal economy of the Andean region.

- What is your balance after five months in the government?

- In five months we’ve consolidated as government and addressed social demands and, at the same time addressed structural issues. We have increased salaries and derogated labor flexibility; we advanced alphabetization, national ID and health policies for the poor, like Operation ‘Miracle’. All of this accompanied by strong austerity and anti-corruption measures. In the structural space, we’ve nationalized hydrocarbons and approved a law to call for the Constituent Assembly, which will‘re-found’ our country; in these five months we’ve followed the slogan of mandating while obeying and today we enjoy great support from the Bolivian people.

- A while ago, you declared to be comfortable with the “comrade president” or “brother president” denomination, what distinguishes Evo the president with Evo the syndicate leader?

-I feel I’m more of a syndicalist leader than President of the Republic, sometimes I don’t even believe I’m the president. I more like (Más me gusta) than they call me Evo, comrade Evo, given that it shows more trust. Presidential security used to call me Mr. President, now they only call me President or ‘Presi’. We eat as equals and that generated trust with people from the Police or the Armed Forces. Y don’t trust that ‘Mr. President’ thing, I like ‘brother president’ or ‘comrade president’, it’s part of the friendliness my comrades express.

- Why are you still president of the six Chapare coca-grower federations?

- It was the unanimous will of the six federations, besides it’s a guarantee for them, who are my extended family. Through my activities in the farmer’s union movement I learned my politics, we marched together, faced repression, mourned the dead and wounded of the Chapare, and we danced and partied our triumphs together. It’s something I’ll never forget. Because of that brotherhood I accepted the role as union directive,

- The medical corporations (?) reject the presence of Cuban physicians, what is the government’s response?

- Some doctors say “out with the Cubans”, but those doctors don’t have any feelings with the national majorities, the poor and the indigenous, who, for the first time have free healthcare (sic). The ophthalmologic centers built with Cuban cooperation have state-of-the-art technology, specialists and I’m very sorry that some doctors oppose the idea when the great majority of the population supports it. Bolivian doctors threat the indigenous as stinking pigs, while Cubans work with a lot of love and friendship.

- You recently accused the Unitel’s owners of acquiring land illegally, and announced your government would promote communitarian radios and alternative media, what is your relation with the press and other communicators?

- Businessmen shouldn’t be the only ones with access to the media, the poor, the farmers, also have the right to own their own communication channels. Today the only opposition we have is the big media corporations, who defend the interests of a fistful of families who lived off politics and concentrated the economic power. That has to change; they attack the popular movement and the MAS government every day.

- How far is your government going with the ‘agrarian revolution’?

- We are beginning to prepare the agrarian revolution, which is not a simple distribution or redistribution of land, but markets for the products and mechanization of the fields. We have begun with fiscal lands and we will continue with the latifundios that don’t have an economic function.

- Many people say ‘why would we want a constituent assembly, if we already have a president that represents the social movements’. What then is the constituent assembly for?

- The constituent assembly is not only to have an indigenous president, but to peacefully change the structure of the State, it’s to recover the territory and natural resources, incorporate communitarian justice –currently justice is corrupt- and re-found our nation incorporating the national majorities. That way we will reverse Bolivia’s original sin: having been founded excluding ninety percent of its population.

- During the [electoral] campaign, you declared yourself a socialist, are you still a socialist?

- Of course, that’s the goal.

Notes and Sources:

[1]. - Original interview by the Argentinean daily Página 12 available in http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais/1-69050-2006-06-26.html as of July 10, 2006, original interview by Pablo Stefanoni. I have tried to keep Evo’s grammar and other language idiosyncrasies as close to the real thing as possible. This is certainly not the interview I (or any other non Evo-apologists) would have conducted, but there are some priceless pieces of demagoguery (the last line of paragraph 10 is specially touching) which shouldn’t go unrecorded. As always I encourage participation in the comments section.
Tag: South America, Bolivia, Intervie, Evo+Morales, Cuba, Hugo Chavez, Venezuela, Demagogia.

Monday, July 03, 2006

Chávez y Morales Utilizados Como Ejemplo del Populismo

(File under: Politics) Durante las recientes elecciones mexicanas circuló brevemente este spot publicitario en contra de López Obrador, dibujando paralelos entre su populismo y aquel de Hugo Chávez y nuestro presidente Evo Morales. En realidad se hace una explicación muy didáctica de las consecuencias históricas del populismo, vale la pena escucharla y meditar. El spot fue retirado del aire por el ente electoral mexicano después de que el gobierno venezolano se quejase del uso de la imagen de Chávez. Al parecer el gobierno de Evo ni se enteró o no le importó la utilización de la imagen del primer mandatario dentro de este contexto.

Video vía The Devil’s Excrement:



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